Summary

The Annual Report on Integration contains an overview of the extent to which the social and economic position of people with a migration background and people with a native Dutch background are converging. It discusses the differences and similarities between these groups and the extent to which any differences have decreased in recent years. This report describes the development of integration up to and including 2019, and therefore does not address the major influence that COVID-19 and the related measures are having on the Dutch economy and Dutch society.

This summary starts with key points in the area of integration. It then looks at the most important outcomes for each chapter.

Main points

In general, people with a migration background are in a less favourable position than people with a native Dutch background. On average, they have a lower level of education and a lower level of income, are less likely to be in employment and are more likely to be benefit-dependent. People with a migration background are also less likely to experience their health as good or very good. On average, people with a non-western migration background are more disadvantaged than people with a western migration background. On the whole, the second generation within these groups occupies a more favourable position than the first generation.

On the basis of the past decade, however, the gap between the socio-economic position of people with a migration background and people with a non-migration background is narrowing. This applies in particular to those with a Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese or Antillean background. During the economic crisis, these groups were hit harder on the labour market, but over the past few years their labour participation has grown more than that of people from a native Dutch background. There has also been a larger decrease in unemployment and dependence on welfare benefits among these groups compared to people with a native Dutch background.

In the field of education too, the disadvantage of people with a migration background is gradually decreasing. Of the four largest non-western groups, this is especially the case for people with a Turkish, Moroccan or Surinamese migration background. The proportion of school pupils in these groups assessed as being capable of entering the higher tiers of Dutch secondary education (HAVO or VWO) and the proportion actually receiving this level of education in year3  of secondary school has risen more sharply than among schoolchildren with a native Dutch background. The in-depth analyses show that this improved educational position also leads to a better employment position, although a difference remains. On average, their employment rate after graduation is lower than among graduates with a native Dutch background. However, the higher the level of education achieved, the smaller the difference.

In the area of crime, people with a migration background are over-represented. Over the past ten years, however, a decline in the proportion of crime suspects has been observed, both among people with and without a migration background. The decline seems to have levelled off somewhat in recent years. The more in-depth analyses show that the overrepresentation in crime figures can largely be explained by the less favourable position in terms of educational and family characteristics that young people with a non-western migration background in particular occupy compared to young people with a native Dutch background.

After correction for various background characteristics, the figures show that people with a native Dutch background and people with a migration background have approximately the same amount of contact with friends and neighbours. However, people with a native Dutch background have more frequent contact with family. Such social networks are particularly relevant for older people in view of their self-reliance and informal care. More in-depth analyses show that the self-reliance of elderly people with a Surinamese and Antillean migration background may be at risk, because they are more likely to live without a partner or children. Elderly people with a Turkish or Moroccan migration background are more likely to receive informal care from the family network: they are less likely to be childless, more likely to share the home with their children and live in relatively close proximity to their children compared to elderly people with a native Dutch background.

Chapter 1: Population

On 1January 2 020, almost a quarter of the Dutch population had a migration background. Half of those with a western migration background and 44 percent of those with a non-western migration background were born in the Netherlands and therefore belong to the second generation. Over the past five years, immigration has been the main cause of population growth in the Netherlands.

The growth in the number of people with a migration background is largely due to migration from non-western countries, with asylum migration being a major cause. But labour and family migration from other non-western countries such as India and China also play a role in this growth. Migrants from the new EU countries, particularly Poland, account for over half of the growth in the number of people with a western migration background.

Family migration remains the main reason for many groups to come to the Netherlands. In recent years, however, work and study have become an increasingly important motive for both western and non-western migrants to come to the Netherlands. In addition, since 2014, the number of asylum migrants coming to the Netherlands has increased, mainly as a result of the civil war in Syria.

In terms of demographics, differences can be observed between people with a native Dutch background and people with a migration background. For example, people with a migration background are on average younger, more likely to be single and to live in one of the Netherlands’ four largest cities. There are also demographic differences between the various groups with a migration background. For example, more people with a Surinamese or Antillean background have a partner outside their own group of origin than people with a Turkish or Moroccan background. They are also more likely to be single. On average, women with a Turkish or Moroccan background have more children than women with a Surinamese or Antillean background.

Chapter 2: Education

Students with a non-western migration background are less likely to attain a high level of education than students with a native Dutch native background. However, compared to ten years ago, the share of students from a non-western migration background in higher education has increased and educational differences are narrowing. This can be seen in the increasingly large share of pupils in the final year of primary school assessed as being capable of entering the higher tiers of Dutch secondary education (HAVO, VWO) and the share actually receiving this level of education in year 3 of secondary school. Students with a Turkish, Moroccan or Surinamese background in particular are more likely to be educated at HAVO or VWO level. Only the share of students with an Antillean background at these levels has not increased.

Across all groups with a non-western migration background, compared to ten years ago, the share of students at the lowest level of prevocational education (VMBO) has decreased, while the share at the higher levels of VMBO has increased. Despite these developments, students with a non-western migration background are still more likely to attend the lowest level of VMBO.

Students with a non-western migration background are more likely to leave school early without obtaining a basic qualification than students with a native Dutch background. In recent years, the share of early school leavers has decreased, especially among boys with a Turkish or Moroccan migration background.

For most groups with a second-generation migration background, the majority of those who are no longer in education left school having completed secondary education. People from ‘other non-western migration backgrounds’ are an exception: almost half of them obtained a higher education qualification. As a result, this group is on average slightly more highly educated than people with a Dutch background.

People with a migration background are on average a little older than people with a native Dutch background when they graduate from higher education (university or university of applied sciences, HBO). This is partly because students with a migration background take a little longer to complete their higher education studies, but also because on average they are slightly older at the start of their study programme due to the fact that they are more likely to stack courses.

In terms of field of study, secondary vocational education (MBO) students with a non-western migration background more often opt for business studies or economics than MBO students with a Dutch background, who are more inclined to opt for technical subjects. In higher education, non-western students with a Turkish, Moroccan or Surinamese background mainly choose a degree programme in the field of business and administration.

Chapter 3: Socio-economic position

People from the new EU countries most resemble people from a native Dutch background in terms of source of income, labour participation and benefit dependency. The main source of income for both groups is income from work, they have a relatively high employment rate and are less dependent on benefits. However, the use of benefits does increase the longer people stay in the Netherlands. In 2018, however, the income of people with a new EU background lagged behind that of people with a native Dutch background and was comparable to that of people with a non-western migration background.

People with a non-western migration background are less likely to have work than people with a Dutch or new EU background. During the economic crisis that started in2 008, the employment rate among all groups decreased and unemployment increased, but these effects were stronger among the non-western group. In recent years, on average, the net employment rate has once again risen among people with a non-western migration background and unemployment has fallen.

People with a non-western migration background are more likely to receive social assistance benefits than people with a native Dutch background. Due to the downturn in the economy, income support dependency among these groups increased from 2008 but has fallen again in recent years. Income support dependency among Dutch people has been low for many years, with hardly any fluctuations. The overrepresentation of people with a migration background in terms of social assistance has therefore decreased in recent years.

The second generation with a non-western migration background has a better socio-economic position than the first generation. They are more likely to be in paid employment, have a higher income and are less dependent on benefits. Nevertheless, in all three areas their position lags behind that of people with a native Dutch background.

Refugees in the Netherlands are often more dependent on social assistance benefit after obtaining their residence permit. This social assistance dependency is still high even after a longer period of residence in the Netherlands. Their income is therefore the lowest of all the groups of origin covered by this report.

Chapter 4: Crime

Dutch nationals without a migration background are the least likely to be suspected of a crime: 0.6 percent are registered as crime suspects. Between 1 and 2 percent of people from new EU countries are registered as crime suspects. Approximately 2 percent of people with an Afghan, Iranian, Syrian or Turkish background are crime suspects. Of the specific migrant groups, people from Antillean or Somali backgrounds are relatively the most likely to be suspected of a crime (around 4 percent).

Since young people are more likely to be crime suspects, and the second generation is on average younger than the first generation, only 12 to 24-year-olds were considered when comparing generations. This comparison shows no major differences between the first and second generation with a non-western migration background. The second-generation figures on crime suspects were only lower than the first generation for people with a Moroccan and Surinamese migration background.

Since 2005, the percentage of registered crime suspects has been declining fairly consistently across all migration backgrounds. The decline seems to have levelled off in recent years (for all groups of origin).

A person with a native Dutch background is less likely to be the victim of crime than someone with a migration background. There are no significant differences in victim status between the first and second generation (both with a western and non-western migration background). Fewer and fewer people are falling victim to criminal activities and this downward trend is continuing, both among people with and without a migration background.

Research shows that people with a Turkish, Surinamese or Antillean background feel unsafe more often than people without a migration background. A higher proportion of second-generation people with a non-western migration background feel unsafe than the first generation. Among people with a western migration background, these differences between generations do not exist. For people without a migration background and for people with a Turkish or Moroccan background, feelings of insecurity diminish over time. For people with an Antillean or Surinamese background, feelings of insecurity do not diminish.

When asked about feelings of insecurity in their own neighbourhood, people without a migration background are the least likely to indicate that they sometimes feel unsafe. As far as generations are concerned, there are no significant differences when it comes to feelings of insecurity in one’s own neighbourhood. In general, feelings of insecurity in one’s own neighbourhood also decrease over time. This applies both to people with and without a migration background.

Chapter 5: Health

Research shows that fewer people with a Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese or Antillean background describe their health as good or very good compared to people with a native Dutch background. This is also reflected in the cost of healthcare for people with Antillean, Moroccan, Surinamese and Turkish backgrounds, which is higher than that for people with a native Dutch background.

The four types of care for which most costs are incurred up to the age of 64 are hospital care, specialised mental healthcare (GGZ), medicines and GP care. In2 017, the costs of hospital care and GP care were higher for people with a non-western migration background than for people with a native Dutch background, after standardisation for the age of the Dutch population up to the age of 64. For specialised mental healthcare and medicines, the differences are even greater.

Furthermore, people with a Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese or Antillean migration background are more likely to be seriously overweight than people without a migration background. People with a Moroccan background are less likely to smoke than people with a native Dutch background. The number of smokers among those with a Turkish background is highest, followed by people with a Surinamese background. When it comes to smoking, there is little difference between people with an Antillean background and people without a migration background.

In the period2 015-2019, the number of people with a native Dutch, Moroccan or Surinamese background who described their health as good was lower than it was ten years ago. Among people with an Antillean or Turkish background, the perceived health was not significantly different. In the past ten years, the proportion of people with obesity increased among people with and without a migration background.

Chapter 6: Social and civic participation

People with a native Dutch background have slightly more weekly contact with family than people with a western or non-western migration background. People with a non-western migration background have more contact with friends and less contact with neighbours than people with a Dutch or western migration background. These differences can partly be explained by differences in age structure, gender and level of education. Young people, for example, have more contact with friends in all groups of origin. After correction for the difference in age structure, gender and level of education, no difference in the frequency of contact with neighbours and friends emerges. However, people with a native Dutch background still have more frequent contact with family.

The second generation of people with a western migration background has more frequent contact with family, friends and neighbours than the first generation. The second generation of people with a non-western migration background has more contact with friends and less contact with neighbours than the first generation of non-western migrants. This is mainly due to the young age of the non-western second generation: young people in general have more contact with friends and less contact with neighbours.

Contact with family and friends remained constant in 2016–2019 compared to the period 2012–2015. Contact with neighbours decreased among all groups of origin.

People with a native Dutch, western or Moroccan background provide informal help more often than people with a Turkish, Surinamese or Antillean background. People with a native Dutch background are more likely to volunteer and take part in association activities than people with a western or non-western migration background. Both the western and non-western second generation are more likely to provide informal help, volunteer and take part in association activities than the first generation. This difference remains when corrected for differences in age structure, gender and level of education. Giving help and volunteering has hardly changed since 2012. Participation in association activities in the period 2016–2019 decreased slightly compared to the period 2012–2015 among people with a western migration background and among the western and non-western second generation.

Chapter 7: The transition from education to the labour market

In education, the four largest non-western migrant groups still lag behind people with a native Dutch background, but this gap is narrowing slowly but surely. Their improved educational position means that young people from these migration groups are in a better position when they enter the labour market. This chapter examines whether this improvement actually leads to a more favourable transition from education to the labour market for the second generation with a Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese or Antillean migration background. The chapter compares their position on the labour market one, three, and ten years after leaving education with the position of men and women with a native Dutch background who entered the labour market with the same qualifications.

On average, the transition to the labour market is less favourable for men and women with a second-generation migration background. This is especially true when both parents were born abroad. One year after leaving education, the proportion of second-generation migrants in paid work is lower. In addition, men and women of the second generation in paid work are more likely to make the transition to a position without paid work. As a result, the disadvantages in terms of net labour participation that arise one year after leaving education are only marginally reduced in the following years for men. For women, these disadvantages are more likely to increase than decrease.

The better qualified a person is, the fewer disadvantages they encounter in terms of employment participation. The disadvantages are greatest in the lowest tier of the Dutch education system (MBO-2), and smallest among those with a university degree. Within the lowest tier, the greatest disadvantages are experienced by those who obtained their diploma via the pre-vocational learning pathway (BOL). Moreover, there are differences between the groups with a migration background. Second-generation migrants with a Moroccan background encounter the most difficulty in the transition from education to paid work, while men and especially women with an Antillean background are most likely to have paid work.

Where type of employment contract and gross hourly wages are concerned, the differences between the second generation of people with a migration background and men and women with a native Dutch background are small. It is striking, however, that women with a second-generation migrant background are considerably more likely to work full-time than women with a native Dutch background.

Chapter 8: The role of family, education and migration background in young adults convicted of a crime

Although registered crime has been decreasing for all groups of origin for some years now, people with a migration background are still overrepresented in these figures. The question is to what extent this is due to differences in background characteristics between people with a migration background and people with a native Dutch background. Unlike previous research, this chapter does not look at registered crime suspects, but at actual convictions by the courts or the Public Prosecution Service. The focus is on young adults (aged 18 to 22) and the role of neighbourhood, family and parental characteristics and the highest level of education that applied at the time of youth.

The regression analyses show that individual characteristics such as family make-up and a lower level of education have a particularly strong influence on the probability of a conviction. Taking differences in background characteristics into account, the chance of a conviction is almost as high for most young men and women with a second-generation migration background as for their peers with a native Dutch background. Young men with a second-generation Moroccan migration background are an exception. For them, a considerable part of the difference in the likelihood of a conviction compared to peers with a native Dutch background remains unexplained. For women with a second-generation Turkish migration background, the opposite applies: where their probability based on uncorrected data is higher than for young women with a native Dutch background, their chance of a conviction is smaller if we take their background characteristics into account.

The influence of background characteristics on the probability of a conviction differs for the different groups of origin. For example, for second-generation Antilleans and Surinamese migrants, unfavourable family make-up is the most important explanation for the relatively high probability of a conviction. For people with a second-generation Turkish migration background, this can largely be attributed to a lower level of education.

Chapter 9: Family networks of non-western elderly migrants

Elderly people from Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese and Antillean backgrounds form a relatively small group at present, but their numbers will increase considerably in the coming years. As regards factors such as income, health and housing, elderly people from these groups are more likely to be in a vulnerable position. As a result, they may be less self-reliant than elderly people with a native Dutch background. The government policy for the elderly is aimed at ensuring that vulnerable older people remain self-reliant in their home situation for as long as possible, while encouraging support through the individual’s social network. In terms of informal care, the family network occupies an important place, especially the children and the partner. This in-depth chapter maps out the family networks of elderly people from Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese and Antillean migration backgrounds and looks at the extent to which these members of society have a safety net of family members to take on informal care where needed.

When considering the possibility of informal care by the partner, older people with a Surinamese and Antillean migration background appear to be particularly vulnerable because they are relatively often single. However, they do live with their children more often than elderly people with a native Dutch background, albeit significantly less often than their Turkish and Moroccan counterparts. Elderly people with a Turkish or Moroccan migration background are less likely to be childless and more likely to share the home with one or more children than elderly people with a native Dutch background.

Among the elderly who do not form a household with one or more of their children, the geographical distance to children living elsewhere is by far the shortest among older people with a Turkish or Moroccan background and longest among older people with an Antillean background. An older person with an Antillean background is less likely to have a child living in the neighbourhood than an older person with a native Dutch background. They are also more likely to be childless. Elderly people with a Surinamese background occupy an intermediate position comparable to older people without a migration background.

The fact that older people with a Turkish or Moroccan migration background are more likely to live with or close to their children is not only due to socio-demographic factors, but can also be attributed to the stronger norms and values relating to family solidarity that prevail within these communities. In addition, the first generation of Turkish and Moroccan elderly may also need more help from their children, for example if their command of Dutch falls short in certain areas. Such language problems do not usually play a role among older people with a Surinamese or Antillean background.